Socrates (470-399 B.C.) was a famous Greek philosopher from Athens, who taught Plato, and Plato taught Aristotle, and Aristotle taught Alexander the Great. Socrates used a simple but cleverly profound method of teaching by asking revelatory, piercing questions. The Greeks called this form “dialectic” – starting from a thesis or question, then discussing ideas and moving back and forth between points of view to determine how well ideas stand up to critical review, with the ultimate principle of the dialogue being Veritas – Truth.
Socrates (470-399 B.C.) was a famous Greek philosopher from Athens, who taught Plato, and Plato taught Aristotle, and Aristotle taught Alexander the Great. Socrates used a simple but cleverly profound method of teaching by asking revelatory, piercing questions. The Greeks called this form “dialectic” – starting from a thesis or question, then discussing ideas and moving back and forth between points of view to determine how well ideas stand up to critical review, with the ultimate principle of the dialogue being Veritas – Truth.
Are You the one in costume or is it Me? Am I the young man behind the mask… or is it Thee? In some respects society is irrational and illogical to a fault, however, in many other respects society appears almost boring, conventional and slavishly predictable. For example, on All Saints Day, the day after […]
In characteristic, succinct style the Eighth Amendment has few words – Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted – yet the Eighth Amendment has produced a vast volume of commentary and litigation since its ratification in 1791. This should not be surprising, as the three major provisions of the amendment address some of the most controversial and emotionally charged issues concerning the rights of criminal defendants, which were greatly expanded during the eras of the Warren Court (1953-69) and the Burger Court (1969-86).
In characteristic, succinct style the Eighth Amendment has few words – Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted – yet the Eighth Amendment has produced a vast volume of commentary and litigation since its ratification in 1791. This should not be surprising, as the three major provisions of the amendment address some of the most controversial and emotionally charged issues concerning the rights of criminal defendants, which were greatly expanded during the eras of the Warren Court (1953-69) and the Burger Court (1969-86).
While most people don’t know and cloistered academics, progressive politicians, bumbling bureaucrats and activist judges don’t care, there is little doubt that historically the Constitution’s framers took definitive steps to ensure that the federal government would not intrude into state issues through the 10th Amendment to the Constitution, which reads: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
While most people don’t know and cloistered academics, progressive politicians, bumbling bureaucrats and activist judges don’t care, there is little doubt that historically the Constitution’s framers took definitive steps to ensure that the federal government would not intrude into state issues through the 10th Amendment to the Constitution, which reads: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. These are the 21 simple yet transcendent words of the Ninth Amendment. This country would not exist as we know it if the Bill of Rights and in particular the crucial Ninth and Tenth Amendments weren’t also included to protect federalism – states’ sovereign rights over federal socialist tyranny.
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In my last column, “Birth of a conservative intellectual,” I presented a personal narrative of how I rejected the zeitgeist of Darwinism, liberalism, socialism and hedonism that permeated most American colleges and are zealously embraced by most of my classmates, to become a Reagan conservative during my senior year at DePauw University, leading to the genesis of my first essays 30 years ago. Below is my second essay I published on this long odyssey of becoming a conservative intellectual in America.
When Machiavelli Comes to Town: The Dangers of Opportunistic Consulting
“It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things.” ~Niccolò Machiavelli. The Prince (1532). “Unencumbered by government oversight, McKinsey is accountable only to its clients, who expect that their vulnerabilities, mistakes, and business strategies—in order words, […]
“The corruption, crime, and incompetence of the D.C. government has been an embarrassment to our nation’s capital for decades. It is long past time that Congress restored the honor and integrity of George Washington to the beautiful city which bears his name.” ~ Senator Mike Lee (R-UT), speaking on the BOWSER Act “It is […]
Fifth Circuit’s Ruling against “Nasdaq Board Diversity Rule” Safeguards Meritocracy Over Mediocrity
“The evidence presented by Nasdaq in its rule proposal, contrary to its claims, does not show that board diversity provides better returns for shareholders.” ~Excerpt from a Manhattan Institute led amicus curiae brief in the case of Alliance for Fair Board Recruitment vs. SEC. “We will terminate every diversity, equity, and inclusion program across the […]
The 2nd and 7th Amendments: History triumphs
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The Seventh Amendment of the Constitution of the United States was ratified in 1791 as part of the Bill of Rights; it formally established the rules governing civil trials. The amendment’s objective was to preserve a distinction between the responsibilities of the courts (such as deciding matters of law) and those of juries (such as deciding matters of fact). Virtually all of the Seventh Amendment’s provisions originated in the English common-law tradition and with few exceptions have experienced only marginal revisions.
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